By Leslie Lopez, South-east Asia Correspondent, THE STRAITS TIMES
MALAYSIANS woke up yesterday to the prospect that their country had the makings of a functioning democracy that would feature a two-party system in place of the Barisan Nasional's autocratic brand of politics.
This weekend's vote sent a strong message that Malaysians, including the politically dominant Malays, were prepared to consider a new multiracial political order.
Years of communal and religious-based politics that polarised the nation were rejected. It was an election fought on issues, which placed a premium on accountability and what candidates could offer.
This reading of what happened on Sunday is the most positive and optimistic spin one can put at the moment to GE 2008, pending more detailed analyses of the political upheaval that might take weeks to decipher.
Whatever the final conclusions, one t is clear: It marks the first time that the opposition has established itself as a potent enough force to rattle the BN's grip on power.
Malaysians essentially issued the government a clear message that they were prepared to give the relatively unknown and untested coalition led by former deputy premier Anwar Ibrahim and his multiracial Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), a shot at managing the country - or at least to be a forceful check against the excesses of BN.
The morning after, politicians and analysts are still struggling to understand the huge swing against the BN.
But a grudging acceptance is emerging that Datuk Seri Anwar, who was sacked and imprisoned after falling out with his former boss Mahathir Mohamad, played a central role in rocking the Malaysian political landscape.
PKR, which was set up shortly after Datuk Seri Anwar was sacked, was never given much of a chance.
Analysts and BN politicians dismissed PKR because its multiracial platform would not appeal to the crucial Malay electorate.
The party's showing in the 2004 election did not help either because it managed to secure only one parliamentary seat.
Analysts are now saying that Datuk Seri Anwar capitalised on a perfect storm that was brewing against the government, arising from a mixture of frustration and anger stemming from spikes in the cost of living, as well as the government's reluctance to deal decisively with sensitive racial and religious issues affecting the Chinese and Indians.
In political gatherings across the country, Datuk Seri Anwar trained his guns on Umno, portraying the party as a monolithic organisation bereft of checks and balances.
He deftly stitched together an ideologically diverse coalition comprising the Muslim-based Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) and the mainly Chinese Democratic Action Party (DAP).
With his PKR playing the role of mediator, Datuk Seri Anwar took huge gambles with the Malaysian voter.
His message that the controversial New Economic Policy (NEP), which favours ethnic Malays in government and business, should be scrapped in favour of a merit-based system pleased the Chinese and Indians.
When selling it to the Malays, an adroit Datuk Seri Anwar, sensing the sour mood, argued that the NEP had to go because it had become a convenient patronage tool for Umno and its cronies.
Perhaps, his single biggest achievement was getting the DAP and PAS, long sworn political enemies, to set aside their differences and work together as a coalition.
DAP declared that it would work together with PAS after the Muslim party dropped its long-stated goal of turning secular Malaysia into a theocratic state.
The PAS-DAP pact paved the way for the break in voting along religious lines. The Chinese voted for PKR and PAS candidates, while large numbers of Malays openly pledged their support for the DAP.
Going forward, the Anwar-led coalition faces enormous challenges.
For starters, it must ensure that its candidates do not defect to Umno and the BN.
It must also quickly iron out their differences and put together administrations in five states which the coalition now controls.
But the rewards could be enormous because the opposition is in a position to break the sometimes stifling grip of the federal government on state matters.
The opposition also has a chance to distinguish itself from the BN.
Should the opposition successfully showcase sound economic management in key states such as Penang, Selangor and Perak, the implications for Malaysia could be farreaching.
It would further embarrass Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi's administration which has been tainted by rampant corruption in these states.
More importantly, a more energetic economy in these states will extend the opposition's longevity as political administrators.
For Umno, the outlook is bleak.
The party, which has long promoted itself as the chief patron of the Malays, is now faced with the uphill challenge of renewing its appeal with its own community and Malaysians.
For the BN, a re-branding - if not total overhaul - is crucial if it is to remain relevant.
The electorate has signalled that there are limits to how much it can take of the BN's approach of communal politics. In light of this message, is it time for the coalition to consider becoming a single multi-ethnic party, rather than a conglomeration of communal parties coming together for convenience?
Just who can pull that off, however, is a question no one in BN is even ready to contemplate. The soul-searching hasn't even begun. For now, the plot is on blame.
